The Molokans in Armenia

• See The Table of Contents of Semyonov's new book 
• See 20 Pictures from Sem'onov's new book.

Mark Grigorian, the Armenian journalist and Media analyst who photographed and wrote about Molokans in Fioletova was an editor of this new book. (See: A Handful of Russia in the Armenian Highlands.) Because Grigorian was in LA August 10-12 touring with a group of Armenian journalists reporting on the US, he was able to immediately deliver 8 gift copies to the American Molokans. The presentation was made Sunday August 12, to presbyter Ivan Tim. Bogdanov at Big Church. More copies may be purchased from Semyonov. 

Grigorian says that Sem'onov is originally from the city of Delizhan [also Dilijan], one of the biggest cities in Armenia, and is a distant relative to M.G. Rudametkin, which makes him a cousin to all the American Tolnachoffs. Semyonov is a hardworking activist for the Molokans in Armenia and Caucasus. As president of the Foundation, he coordinates migration of Russians to and from the Russian Federation, does job placement, imports Russian textbooks for Molokan students, maintains a collection of information about Molokans, and just published this book. .

In September, as soon as Grigorian finishes his current assignment, he will interview Semyonov on Armenian TV to publically discuss the history of sectarians in Armenia, report their current problems, and to try to get support for the changes Semyonov feels is necessary to help the Molokans stay in Armenia.

Grigorian is continuing to make friends with the remaining Molokans in Armenia and is preparing a comprehensive book about daily life -- preparing cabbage sauerkraut, maps, photos, recipes, work, migration, sobraniia, etc. He will make many trips to the villages during all seasons to document their agricultural and domestic cycles. In the summer villagers use motor vehicles for transportation, but in the winter they use horse and wagon. Molokans are hand copying the Zionskii Pessenik, songbook, and and prayer book because they have so few copies to use.]

Molokans in Armenia

by Ivan Iakov. Semyonov   < E-mail: ivansemyonov@rambler.ru  Russian only> 

• See the Table of Contents of Semyonov's new book
• See 20 Pictures from Semyonov's new book

Order your copy for $8 + postage from Armenia:  Ivan — Telephone (3741) 44-33-41; (3741) 22-89-93; The fax: (3741) 44-24-39; < E-mail: ivansemyonov@rambler.ru  Russian only>

The largest number of the Russians in Armenia — 70,300 — were registered in the 1979 census.

In the 1980s, the flow of the Russian population out of Armenia increased, and in 1989 the Russians numbered 51,000. From the beginning of 1990 to date, the migration processes have sharply increased, and the number of the Russians diminished to 12,000 to 13,000. Of this number, approximately 5,000 are descendants of sectarians, exiled to Transcaucasia in the first half of the 19th century for their religious convictions. They comprise a quite unique and original ethnic group, or sect — the Molokans [with sub-groups Spiritual and Maksimists].

As is known, sectarianism originated in Russia as far back as five centuries ago. Most actively it was disseminated in the 17th and 18th centuries, when the tsarist autocracy and the Orthodox church were gaining power. Escaping the arbitrary actions of the church and the police, the Russian sectarians moved from the central provinces of Russia to Siberia, Altai, Transcaucasia, Central Asia, Bessarabia and the Crimea. They not only adapted to the unfamiliar local conditions and ethnic surroundings, but also influenced quite favorably the cultural and economic development of the regions where they had settled down.

One of the most significant sects, widespread in the territory of the Russian empire, as well as in the USA, Canada, Mexico, Australia, is the religious ethnic group of Russian Christians, called the Molokans.

The ancestors of the Molokans derive from the peasants of Russian and some other nationalities of the Russian empire. By religion, they since long have belonged to the Graeco-Russian church, although by their inner conviction they have never accepted the worship of lifeless wooden, stone or other presentations of God, executed to the idea and imagination of an individual master. They profess the belief in the All-mighty and omnipresent God, who lives in the soul of a live human being. They believe that such objects as a handmade icon and cross "are not deity but man's fancy", so worshipping material presentations, such as a cross and an icon, is nothing but idolatry, recreancy from the true Creator of the Heaven and the Earth. During its formation, the Molokans' doctrine was influenced by western Protestantism (Baptism in particular), rejecting church with its attributes and clergy. The doctrine disseminated rapidly in the 17th century among the peasants and further among the lower middle class and the merchants in Tambov, Voronezh, Saratov, Penza and other central provinces of Russia. These believers were first called iconoclasts. Afterwards, when separate communities of this branch had been formed, their members were named the Molokans, because they did not observe the fasts set by the Orthodox church, on fasting days they ate animal food, drank milk (the Russian for milk is moloko) — the most popular and available dairy produce in a peasant's life.

The ruling regime and the Orthodox church disliked these differently minded people. Persecutions and punishments poured down on them. It was after the enthronement of emperor Alexander I that the attitude towards the Molokans changed. On July 22, 1805, a manifesto was signed by the emperor proclaiming grace to the Molokans, as well as the other sect, called Dukhobors (spirit-wrestlers). They were allowed to freely profess their religion and perform their rites.

The situation aggravated in the epoch of Nikolai I, when persecutions, exiles and imprisonments for religious convictions started over again. The Molokans were prohibited to perform their rites, to come together for prayings, even to be employed by people of Orthodox religion. They were prohibited to be given passports and be away from the location they were registered in, which complicated trade business and farm labor.

In 1830, a special decree prohibited them to inhabit some of the southern provinces of Russia where many of them intended to go, and were allowed to settle in Transcaucasia only. This very decree allowed voluntary resettlement of State peasants-sectarians, on their request, to their co-religionists in Transcaucasia. From that time on, the legalized removal of the Molokans and Dukhobors from the Orthodox surroundings of Russia began.

On the decision of the regent in the Caucasus, for settling of the Molokans and Dukhobors, the lands of the provinces of Tiflis, Erivan, Elizavetpol (Gyanja) and Shemakhi (Baku), bordering on Turkey and Iran, were allocated. Hence, the formation of civil settlements of the Russian sectarians in Transcaucasia occured in the early 1840s.

When conquering and assimilating the Caucasus, the Russian Government was not only guided by foreign political interests, but also by purely economic ones. Capitalism was making its way in Russia which required markets and resources. Therefore, after the military actions were over, following the army proceeded its rear subdivisions, and they founded garrisons, military settlements with their farmstead and all the appropriate infrastructure. Besides, it was necessary to populate and fortify the annexed regions, to exploit the resources, to give a start to the economy, etc. To advance the economy of the area, relatively favorable conditions for the local population were created, and the Russian population was drawn in to stimulate the development of agriculture and to pave the way for the industry based on the local natural resources.

The Russian population was drawn in, on the one hand, through formation of military settlements — when the soldiers, apart from serving in the army, were given their own houses to live and form families; and through resettlement of the civil population, such as the sectarians, on the other. Russian settlements — military and Cossack — were founded in the northwest of Armenia and the adjoining regions on the route of the Russian army to Kars and farther to Erzerum. In 1841-45, in the territory of Akhaltzikha district of Georgian-lmeretian province, eight more settlements emerged, where the Dukhobors — from the Don Cossacks were exiled from Tavria. [According to Breyfogle, only a few Don Cossaks converted to Dukhoborism.]

Another wave of populating Transcaucasia by Russians came from Tiflis in the direction of Yelizavetpol (Gyanja), Shemakha (Baku), Dilizhan, Yelenovka (Sevan), and Akhta (Hrazdan). These people came from Tambov, Orenburg, Penza, Saratov and Voronezh provinces. The first sectarian settlement in Transcaucasia (the village of Bazarchai) was founded in 1832-1833 in the territory of Eastern Armenia, in Nakhijevan district. [According to Ismail-Zade, the first Molokans settlements were in south Arzerbaidjan.]

At first, the peasants were engaged in cultivating lands, what they learned to do back in the homeland. In the course of time, they got used to cattle-breeding, craftsmanship (carpentry, blacksmith's work, etc.), carrier's trade.

From that time on, a new phase in the development and free performing of the rules and rites of the Molokani dogmas began. Hard-working people consolidated by their belief, accustomed to the adversities of life, and still preserving heart and courage, full of hope for their bright future, started a new life. Great support and patronage was rendered to them on behalf of the Transcaucasian Administration and, particularly, the regent in the Caucasus at those times, Count M. S. Vorontsov.

By having Russian settlements in Transcaucasia, the Russian Government pursued its military-strategic goals.

It should be noted that the voluntary resettlement of the Molokans from the central provinces of Russia was going on not only in Transcaucasia. For their religious belief and utter poverty, the Molokans and Dukhobors were persecuted and reached Siberia, Altai, Central Asia, the Crimea, Bessarabia.

The introduction of some provisions and governmental acts intending to improve the situation and the status of the sectarians in Transcaucasia, certain tolerance in the issues connected with their religion, conditioned the increase in the number of voluntarily resettling Russian sectarians from Russia. Peasants were moving to new locations on permission of the local communities and authorities, given the agreement of the Transcaucasian administration. [American Molokan oral history claims that the migration south was similar to forced imprisonment and they where marched in shakles by the military, but Breyfogle reports that most voluntarily moved to claim the generous land allotments — up to 1/3 square mile per household.]

Migration is always the privilege of enterprising people, and the new conditions of life required hard work and wit. The awareness of their responsibility in front of the family, the wish to improve one's own homestead required diligence and economizing in everything, sobriety and honesty in work. These features of the Molokans have preserved up to date, therefore many contemporary leaders of economy appreciate them as good and responsible workers.

It allowed the Molokans to quickly settle down in their own houses and lands and to form their families with a lot of children. Among the Molokans, being well-off is ranked as virtue. Inevitable was the stratification of the community into the rich and the poor. Following the dogma, they, nonetheless, considered themselves equal in front of God and human beings, preached the necessity to help their brethren in the community. One shall not covet your neighbor's wealth, shall not steal, shall not quarrel with their own people, shall help the fellow man — these are the basic principles declared in their communities, which the members tried to keep to.

They successfully handled the problem of adaptation to the new places of residence not only complying with the natural conditions, but also coping with the authorities and local people. They have never had any problems with the chiefs, one of the most important principles of the Molokans being obedience to the Law: "Any power comes from God" — one of the most revered postulates of their faith is being adhered to until now.

In the course of time, as the conditions and life were coming to order, the relationships with the indigenous population of Transcaucasia set forth. Their new neighbors were the Armenians, Azerbaijanis (at that time they were called Tatars), Georgians, Kurds. The relations were not easy, different in each case: the Armenians are Christians, the Azerbaijanis are Moslems. Different were the morals, religions, habits, languages. This required tolerance and respect for those whose lands they came to.

The local population had a lot to learn from the newcomers, as the Molokans brought into these regions more advanced tools of labor, new and better breeds of cattle, and a more advanced way of [animal] husbandry. The local population adopted the scythe, the four-wheel cart that began to gradually replace the habitual araba, the technology to grow potatoes, cabbage and other agricultural crops.

There was also a lot adopted by the newcomers from the local people. To thrash grain, they began to use the, popular in the Caucasus, wooden grater-board with silicia stones on one side; they learned to breed sheep, produce and widely use cheese, greens in the meals, etc.

The relations with the locals took a good turn exactly on the grounds of economic contacts, since no other spheres [of influence] could ever exist at the time.

Thanks to the outstanding diligence of the resettlers, their capacity to create favorable conditions for the development of their enterprise, as a result of a number of manifestos by Alexander II, many of them set up solid farmsteads within a short period of time and considerably increased the status of their families. But the universal military service, introduced in the end of the 19th century, rejected by the Molokans as an abuse of a human being, compelled them again to think of moving to places where they could escape it. In their imagination, the place where they could obtain peace, happiness and freedom of religion was the distant land of America beyond the ocean, where lots of unfortunate and suffering people had found shelter. The land thrown to the other end of the world, Australia, did not fall out of their vision. Thus, part of the  Molokans moved from Transcaucasia to America, Canada, Australia.  Another reason for some families to migrate to Kars province (presently in Turkey on the Armenian border) and Sal'skii steppes (eastern Rostov province) in the beginning of the current century, was the shortage of lands. The Molokani families predominantly had up to 12-15 members each, so as the family enhanced, the shortage of the land plots became obvious.

[Only Caucasian Doukhobors moved to Canada from 1898 to 1902, and Molokans intended to follow them. Instead, about 3,000 Caucasian Molokans, less than 2% of all Molokans but mostly of the persecuted minor faction of Jumpers, migrated to America, mainly Los Angeles, and a few hundred to colonies near Ensenada, Mexico, peaking from 1905 to 1912. During Stalinism, many Molokans and Doukhoobrs from the Far East Amur province, fled to Harbin, China, then some Molokans migrated to Sidney, Australia, where a prayer house existed unto the 1970s. By the 1960s, most all of the Mexican Molokans had moved to California, and as many as 200 families began an exodus, pahod, from America to Australia — about 75% settled near Adelaide and most of the others in WA south of Perth. In the 1990s, Russian Molokans report that some Molokans have been granted assylum in Canada, but no names and locations have been given. As the Armenian Molokans have been fleeing to Russia, about 50, including some whole families, have been granted visas to the west, half to American and the other half to Australia.]

Education

In seeking a better fortune and well-being, the members of the Molokan communities never forgot about the religious aspect of life, the careful preservation of the traditional course of life, the old Russian habits and rites. A special place in the life of the Molokans was assigned to the Bible — a desk book for the majority of the Molokan families up until now. The individuals who know well the Bible and other religious literature, were always highly respected. To some degree, this was an incentive for the Molokans to learn to read and write. In the families it was habitual to read in the evening not only religious, but also fiction books and periodicals. Great importance was given to the education of the children. In many Molokan families schools were arranged. Thus, in 1905 in Transcaucasia, there were 49 Russian schools in sectarian settlements in which 2,562 schoolchildren were taught.

In the subsequent years, particularly with the development of the Soviet system of education, many children of the Molokans were enabled to study at higher and medium educational institutions, maintain theses, make highly educated specialists. From their midst came quite a few prominent economic and political figures, leaders of regions, deputies of various ranks up to the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, specialists taking part in the working up and launch of cosmic technique, professors, etc. Despite the fact that they fell out of the rows of the sectarians, they still enjoyed great respect of their fellow people.

After the Revolution of 1917, the political orientation of the new power was to destroy the reserved life of the Molokans, to fight against their religiousness and culture. The dispossession of the kulaks [wealthy peasants] hit a new blow on the Molokans. Very many family heads were persecuted, imprisoned and deported not as much for the sake of depriving them of property, as for their religiousness. The former reason served just a mask for the struggle against the believers in God. During these years many left their houses to move to towns. The process became even more intense with the forcible enrollment of all and everyone in kolkhozes [agricultural cooperatives, often over 100 square miles each] and destroying their lifestyle.

In the post-war years, the back migration of the Molokans to their historical motherland of Russia, was taking place. In this, particularly active were the young people who, having graduated from the institutes and other educational institutions, were leaving the Transcaucasian republics. Despite internationalism was advocated here, they were unable to fully apply the acquired knowledge and capacities neither in economic, nor in social life.

Doubtlessly, not the least role should be assigned to the socially disadvantageous situation in the villages that urged the young to find ways not to return to the native land. The old followed the young. They chiefly moved to the rural regions of Stavropol and Krasnodar territories, where the fertile lands and favorable climatic conditions let them rapidly reach still higher living standard than in Transcaucasia.

Perestroika

Connected with the increase of national movements, beginning from 1989 the migration process of the Russians obtained momentum. The clerical work turned to the mother tongue [the Armenian language] and the latter was given the status of the official language, which fact was negatively accepted by all the Russians living in the territory of the republics of Transcaucasia. A particularly strong impetus for the Russians to migrate from Armenia was closing the Russian schools and Russian sections in the institutes. Not seeing any prospects to acquire education and subsequent employment, the Russians began to abandon their native homes, selling for nothing the fortune they and their ancestors had made. At present in Armenia, of twenty Russian villages only two are left — Fioletovo and Lermontovo (in the latter, half of the dwellers are Armenians). [The only village remaining in Armenia nearly totally inhabitated by Molokans is Fioletovo, with 4 meeting houses, sobranie.] [See map of villages, Virtual Armenia, and Global Gazetteer, Armenia index]

The number of the Molokans has become five times as little as in 1959, and as for now, is approximately 5,000. Most of them live in Erevan (about 2,000) [the capital city]. They are mainly employed as builders, accessory workers for municipal services, drivers for various enterprises, etc. Identical is their occupation in other towns [selo] (Vanadzor — 80 people; Dilizhan — 200, Hrazdan — 60; Sevan — 80).

The Molokans living in the rural area number almost as many as those in town: in the village [derevnia] of Fioletovo — 1,500; in Lermontovo — 800, in Tashir region (where formerly 12,500 Molokans lived) — 400; in Krasnoselsk (where formerly 3,000 people lived) — 50. [See map of villages, Virtual Armenia and Global Gazetteer, Armenia index]

[Russians distinquish country villages by their association with a kolkhoz, cooperative farm. If a village is completely within the control of a kolkhoz, it's called a derevnia; and, often there are smaller settlements, pasiolok. A selo is a larger village with only part of the population employed by an adjacent kolkhoz.]
 

The mentioned population mainly consists of elderly people who cannot afford to leave for their historical homeland — Russia. [The same is reported by Molokan refugees from Azerbaidjian .] The exception is Fioletovo: the number of departures is very small here. Moreover, the number and composition of the population remained the same as in the Soviet times.

As a result of the above mentioned causes, currently only two rural Russian schools are left in Armenia, and they have eight grades only. These schools (in the villages of Fioletovo and Lermontovo) do not even provide the level of knowledge required for entering a medium special educational institution. 

This deprives the children in these villages of the prospects to acquire any specialty, let alone to receive a higher education. They are destined to perform accessory and hired work only. What is worse, the schools have no qualified teachers, the classes are held irregularly, the buildings after the Spitak [1980s] earthquake were not reconstructed, the roofs leak, the classrooms are cold for the broken window glasses and lack of fuel to heat. There are no sufficient textbooks and other school appliances. The children are not seen by health personnel; jaundice, rickets and other diseases are frequent occurrences. [Read more about education in Fioletovo in A Handful of Russia in the Armenian Highlands]

The villages are not well arranged; there is no water-pipe line or regular electricity. They lack even the minimal level of medical and pharmaceutical service. Consequently, untimely deaths and premature home deliveries occur.

The above mentioned — unwillingness to lose the mother tongue, morals, habits, culture, along with the material problems — became the basic factor to bringing about the intense back flow of the Russian population out of the Republic.

Conclusion

To conclude, we may state that the adoption of the Law on Language, the closing of the Russian schools and sections at the institutes, proved the major cause of the mass departure of the Russian population from Armenia. It is not correct to see only economic factors in it (the blockade, the crisis, unemployment, etc.). The sources of the material well-being of the rural population (the bulk of the Russian population of the Republic lived in the rural area) are the land and private farmstead. When moving to Russia, the Molokans endure great material damage in selling for nothing their well-arranged properties. They will need years and years to build up at the new place of residence, to mix into the unknown environment, not very friendly to the sectarian Molokans. Even being perfectly aware of the hardships and shortcomings they are in for, the Molokans leave Armenia — their second motherland — with tears in the eyes.

To stop the process of migration of the Russian population, it is necessary to review the Law on Language, in the first place; to provide conditions for the Russian children to be educated at Russian schools (not in the Russian classes of Armenian schools); to open Russian language sections in the institutes; to increase the volume of the radio programs in Russian; to make the Russian language the second official language, thus letting the Russian speaking citizens not feel restricted and give them an opportunity to be employed in all the spheres of economic life and administration.

It is also necessary to ensure the representation of the Russian population in the State and Legislative structures.

Taking into account the necessity to preserve the spiritual link of the Russians with their historic motherland, to introduce the institute of double citizenship. This, undoubtedly, will bring about remarkable economic and political benefits to the people of Armenia.

It is necessary to support the revival of the Russian villages in Armenia. It will create a cheap agricultural market.