Chapter 5 — Post War Problems  [<Chapter 4] [Contents] [Chapter 6>]

     [Page 77] The economic collapse following the end of the war boom affected the whole United States with the exception of Southern California which was at that time enjoying one of its population explosions with the resulting building expansions. For that reason all Molokans who returned to Los Angeles from their abandoned farms were able to find employment at good wages in the local lumber yards and in the building industry as carpenters.
     Rapidly paying off their accumulated farm debts, they proceeded to buy or build homes in outlying communities—Belvedere, Lynwood, Huntington Park, Maywood, etc. thus beginning a movement that, in time, emptied the Flats area of the Molokans.
     This movement was not entirely beneficial to them, for although it alleviated to some extent the serious problem of juvenile delinquency that was plaguing them at the time, it also disrupted the regularity of church attendance on the part of the young and the old alike, a tendency that was never reversed.
     About this time—summer 1921—there appeared in Los Angeles a person who caused quite a commotion among the Molokan people, a commotion that was accompanied by considerable misunderstanding and ill feeling among them. This person called himself "Brother Isaiah" but the newspapers soon dubbed him the "Miracle Man". Where he came from no one seemed to know and he was not anxious to divulge the information.

Brother Isaiah, the so-called miracle man who caused a considerable stir in the Molokan community in 1921.  [Photo] Courtesy of Vasili R. Kulikoff. Click to enlarge

     A strikingly tall and handsome elderly man of about 70 years, with a long white beard and long hair to match, he [Page 78] conducted a preaching and healing services in a half open stage atop a hill near Lincoln Park. His services were attended by large crowds of curious people and by many sick and invalids hoping to be healed. As is usual in such circumstances, many of these testified to his healing powers, at times throwing away their crutches and walking away unaided.
     Hearing of this the Molokans too flocked to the hill top, coming back to spread the news to friends and neighbors. They were so impressed that soon the Molokan community was deep in a debate as to whether or not he was the reincarnation of Maxim Gavrilovitch. Others contended that he was none other than the fulfillment of a recent prophesy of Afonasy Bezayeff who, on June 5, 1921, or about a month previous to Isaiah's appearance, saw a vision of a star in the heavens with a head resembling a lion and with a tail of a horse, so that people would have difficulty in discerning whether it was that or the other. The name of the star will be "'Star of destruction."
     In the midst of these debates Afonasy himself urged the people not to accept the healer nor to go to him to be healed but that those who would go would soon be crawling like crabs.
     Nevertheless, it was decided in the middle of August to invite him to the old Klubnikin church building to hear him out. He appeared there on a Sunday afternoon all dressed in a white flannel suit and a hat to match the suit.
     Without removing his hat, he stood at the side of the table and carried on a monologue lasting two hours. The gist of his talk was to the effect that he, personally, is the man-child born of the woman clothed in the Sun as foretold in the book of Revelations; that the reason he did not remove his hat is that it represents the crown on the head of the woman clothed in the Sun, and that the words coming from his lips is the river flowing from the throne of God and that his body and his [Page 79] arms that are healing the sick is the tree of life astride the same river as described in Revelations 22.
     He concluded his monologue by stating that he is now seeking a place to which he must lead his people, a place where the resurrection is to take place, further stating that in his opinion the Molokans are his people and invited some of them to look over a tract of land he had in mind. This invitation was ignored completely.
     At the conclusion of his talk he invited all the sick to come forth to be healed. Several seriously sick elderly people and one boy of twelve who was a complete invalid, both mentally and physically, came forward. All the older people announced that they felt better after his manipulations, but alas, several months later all died from their illnesses. When the crippled boy was brought to him, Isaiah realized immediately that it was a hopeless case and refrained from attempting a healing. The boy too, died shortly after.
     Following this performance the Molokans gradually lost interest in him. Although there were a few instances where hopelessly sick people sent their handkerchiefs to him by mail for a blessing and hoping to be healed, but to no avail.
     Thereafter the city health authorities prevented him from assembling large crowds in the open spaces and, after being shunted from one place to another, he disappeared without trace not, however, without leaving some spiritual scars in the minds of some Molokans as a result of the debates.
     A further and a more serious dissension arose in the Molokan Community in the fall of that year as a result of the world wide concern for the famine stricken people of Russia.
     Millions of people were literally starving to death in the Ukraine and the entire southern part of Russia because these two great grain producing regions on which the whole nation depended for its cereals, suffered a complete crop failure for lack of snow and rain during the growing season and, since [Page 80] this region was the scene of the terrible conflict between the Red Bolshevik armies and the white armies of Denikin and Wrangel who were fighting their cruel civil war, all reserves of food were shamelessly destroyed.
     Whether or not there were any reserves of wheat in other parts of the country — Siberia or the North — none knew except the heads of the government. In any case, the seven years of the nation's tribulation — wars, revolutions and the civil war — so disorganized its economy that it became an utter chaos and, as a consequence, no foodstuffs were able to reach the affected areas. So the millions were starving as the heads of the nation's government quibbled with other nations—America and others over the terms by which to allow their proffered relief to enter their borders.
     At this time a man by the name of Beloussoff and a woman known only as "Tovarish Rakhil" appeared in the Molokan community of Los Angeles to organize a famine relief among them. While so occupied, they succeeded in introducing their so-called parliamentary methods of conducting meetings. The meetings were held frequently to discuss means of collecting the relief offerings. This was the leading cause of the dissension.
     The leading elders were opposed to the intruders because their methods were in complete variance to the traditional Molokan method of free discussion which was usually followed by a unanimous agreement when all signified their assent by shouting "Blaag Soviet" (good counsel). However, a certain element of the younger generation were ready and willing to accept the innovation, governed perhaps by their sympathies with the communist regime in Russia.
     In addition to these reasons, many, perhaps a majority, opposed the whole idea of sending relief to the Soviets on religious grounds. But in spite of this opposition and despite the fact that the opposition refrained from participating, a consider able sum was collected, truck-loads of beans and other foodstuffs [Page 81] were purchased in conjunction with other elements of the non-Molokan, Russian-born population of the Boyle Heights area and on the first week of December, 1921, it was shipped by steam ship to the Volga region of South Russia.
     At the same time, the participating faction sent along a delegate, Ivan M. Seliznoff, ostensibly to distribute the shipment properly but also to scout out the living conditions under the new regime and to report the same to his friends in America who were convinced that the new regime was building a workers paradise there.
     A few days before Seliznoff left with the shipment, on December 14, 1921, an official of the Near East Relief Society contacted the elders through Dana W. Bartlett urging them to extend a helping hand to Molokans in Trans-Caucasia where a terrible famine was also raging. This appeal could not be ignored for it meant saving the lives of people of the same faith, flesh of our flesh and blood of our blood, in many instances of brothers and sisters and even of mothers and fathers.
     The official was immediately invited to a meeting where he related some awful scenes in which people were dying of starvation in the streets of towns and villages and of typhus that usually accompanies such calamities.
     The people were wholly convinced of the truth of his story when he named well known Molokan villages where he was present, therefore his appeal could not be ignored. When he proposed that the Near East Relief Society would duplicate everything the Molokans would contribute, either in money or in food stuffs, they immediately took steps to coiled a fund to purchase clothing and provisions, assessing every able bodied family $25.00 and urging those who were unable to contribute that much, to give as much as they were able.
     All agreed to participate with the exception of the faction that was already sending a large shipment to the Volga region. These refused in the mistaken belief that no Molokans were [Page 82] left in Trans-Caucasia, claiming that all had moved to the Kuban region.
     To complicate matters, Afosay T. Bezayeff uttered a prophesy at this time, in effect forbidding aid to any part of Soviet Russia, not even your own flesh and blood saying that, by helping the Soviets we would be nourishing a black horse that will trample us under its hooves in the end.
     There followed three months of acrimonious debate, some supporting the prophesy and others just as fervently siding with the decision to send help, basing their stand on Jesus' parable of the good Samaritan and on the 25th Chapter of Matthew, etc. Every gathering of whatever nature was a continuation of the debate, compounding die already bitter feelings in the community.
     Nevertheless, the collection of funds and the purchase of provisions and second hand clothing continued without a let up during the winter. On March 17, 1922 a large consignment of beans and clothing was shipped directly from Wilmington on the S.S. Kentukian to the Black Sea port of Batum for distribution by the Near East Relief Society to the Molokan people in Trans-Caucasia. Many grateful letters of acknowledgment were later received from those people.
     Only a very small minority refrained from participation in this communal act of charity, but even these, with one or two exceptions, privately managed to ship bales of second hand clothing or sums of money to their relatives.

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     Simultaneously with these charitable activities, the community was deeply concerned with the growing problem of juvenile delinquency. More and more Molokan homes were grieving over the loss of a daughter or a son deserting the home to marry a non-Molokan. Younger children too, were frequently running away from home, seeking adventure elsewhere and eventually becoming wards of the Juvenile court.
     [Page 83] Naturally and correctly the elders, parents and every one else blamed the city environment for these evils. Los Angeles at that period of its history was not the small, sleepy city of 1905 but a large metropolis of over 500,00 population and the world capital of the moving picture industry, an industry whose malignant influence permeated every country in the world and every young person therein, not excluding the Molokans. Therefore, the Molokan people sought some avenue of escape from this influence.
     Unfortunately, however, there was no unanimity to their efforts. The community was divided into three factions. There was the faction clamoring for return to Russia, believing that the removal of the Romanoff dynasty meant the end of all misfortunes of that afflicted nation. A second group insisted that the proper place to go was not Russia but within the confines of Turkey or Persia, basing their belief on the prophesies of Maxim Gavrilitch who wrote that the chosen people will gather in the valley between the rivers Tigris and Euphrates, while the third and the more numerous group insisted that neither of the above lands were yet ready to receive the chosen people nor was the time ripe for it but that we should seek refuge temporarily somewhere in North or South America.
     At about this time a certain Mr. Tommenotti, an owner of a concession to a large tract of land in Peru, near the Amazonian River town of Iquitos, appeared among the Molokans accompanied by a local land agent who was well acquainted with Molokan aims. They offered to settle A large colony of Molokans on Tommenotti's land at $3.25 per acre on very easy terms.
     The proposition succeeded in stirring up considerable interest in the land hungry people, especially after the prophet Afonasy uttered a prophesy in favor of the movement. Meetings called to hear Tommenotti were crowded, but his unsympathetic demeanor and unbending attitude plus his refusal to [Page 84] finance a trip for delegates to the location of the concession reversed the interest against him personally but not against the idea in principle.
     At the same time in the midst of the agitation, a prophesy contrary to Afonasy's was uttered by another prophet who proclaimed that "of all those who would migrate to Peru only 10% would be able to return without harm".
     Nevertheless, it was agreed to send a delegation of two to Peru independently of Tommenotti. A petition was also drawn up requesting the government of Peru to grant the Molokans a concession of their own to colonize and further asking for an exception from military service as well as an exception from import duties on all farm implements and other necessities for a certain period of time provided the agreement to colonize could be consummated.
     A delegation composed of Petro G. Efsayeff and Vasili T. Potapoff was selected and the petition was signed by a large portion of the heads of families. Only those abstained who were bent on returning to Russia.
     The delegation left for Lima, Peru in high spirits, hoping to negotiate a tentative agreement with the government in Lima and from there to proceed on mule back across the Andes, to descend to the Amazon River and thence by boat to Iquitos to the location of Tommenotti's tract of land.
     But alas! The journey in the high altitudes of the Andes proved too arduous for men of their age. Without receiving anything definite from the Peruvian government, they nevertheless decided to see Tommenotti's land. They succeeded in crossing the summit of the Andes but part way down the Eastern slope, they became disenchanted with the country and decided to return without finding a tract of their own or of seeing Tommenotti's concession. And so this attempt at colonization, like so many others, ended in a dismal failure.
     [Page 85] The Molokan community of that time was blessed with numerous personalities of strong character who held the esteem and respect of the people for their moral, spiritual and intellectual qualities. But men with these qualities are generally strong in will power and stubborn in their convictions. Before his death in 1915, Klubnikin's prestige was strong enough to discourage overt clashes of personalities. Following his death the individual most highly regarded in spiritual matters was Nikolai Ivanich Agaltsoff who was considered a sage and was respected as a prophet and a strong moral force. Unfortunately he passed away in 1920, only five years after Klubnikin.
 

Philip Mikhaeich Shubin  Click to Enlarge

     Following his passing the implied leadership was assumed by Philip M. Shubin who, being about 65 years old, was at the peak of his intellectual power. He stood as a bulwark against repeated attempts at proselytizing by neighboring sects, and repelled them with his powerful logic and profound knowledge of the scriptures. Vasili Tikhonich Sussoyeff was also a greatly respected elder, morally and intellectually equipped for spiritual leadership. Many others were conspicuous for their qualities; Ivan G. Samarin, Mikhail P. Pivovaroff, Ivan F. Golubeff, plus a goodly number of younger men who later became heads of congregations in their own right.
     Among all these, however, there was a meek and mild mannered individual who took no part in community discussions, who had no pretensions of leadership but who exerted tremendous influence in the brotherhood because he was a fit vessel which the Lord God periodically conveyed His messages to the Molokan Brotherhood. Afonasy T. Bezayeff, although burdened with family misfortunes since his arrival in America (two of his young sons died in an epidemic of diphtheria in the first year of his arrival and he was not allowed to bury them with the proper church services because of the epidemic), he was never embittered but bore his misfortunes cheerfully and [Page 86] labored mightily in the tasks imposed upon him by his Maker.
Being influential however, these individuals 'were likewise stubborn, consequently it was inevitable that in trying to solve the many major issues confronting the brotherhood, clashes of personalities would occur, clashes that eventually resulted in ill feeling detrimental to the well being of the brotherhood.
     These issues, in addition to the question of Peru and aid to the famine stricken in Russia were:

1. What did the Russian Revolution mean to us?
2. What or who was or is the Antichrist?
3. When and how will the dead be resurrected?
4. What is the Millennium going to be like and when will it come to pass?

     All these issues boiled down to two different interpretations of the Scriptures: literal or spiritual, fundamental or contemporary. Concerning the meaning of the Russian Revolution, it was argued by some who were citing the writings of Maxim Gavrilich, relying principally on the 19th chapter of Book 8 that the Communists (known as Bolsheviki at that time) were the army of Maxim, fulfilling the will of God because they destroyed the Romanoff dynasty as foretold in that chapter, and scattered its nobility to the four corners of the earth, that they were rapidly eliminating the evil influence of the Orthodox church from the affairs of the Russian State, burning its idols and exposing its holy relics as nothing more than stuffed dummies instead of the marvelously preserved bodies of its saints as claimed by that church
     It was contended by this faction that as soon as the Bolsheviki completed the work of cleansing the Russian land of its idols and false dogmas, they will accept Jesus Christ as their Savior and will receive the Holy Spirit after which we Will return to our fatherland to build the Millennium there.
     Other leaders defended the diametrically opposite view. Relying on the 13th chapter of the Book of Revelations, the 10th and 15th chapters of the sixth book of Maxim Gavrilich [Page 87] and the 16th chapter of the works of David Yesseitch, they argued that the Bolsheviki were admitted atheists, therefore they could not be doing God's work but rather they were the forerunners of the army of the antichrist who will soon appear in person and, after destroying all monarchies, he will install his false republic and will proceed to force all Christians to accept his anti-Christian doctrines and to persecute without mercy all who will dare to oppose him. That be will gather all foodstuffs of his realm into his warehouse and deny it to those who will refuse to receive his mark on their right hand and on their foreheads.
     The faction defending this viewpoint argued powerfully that according to the writings of Maxim Gavrilich, the true Christians will find a refuge from the persecutions of the Antichrist in the lands bordering Mt. Ararat, or somewhere between the rivers Tigris and Euphrates.
     It is plain therefore, that this latter group of leaders anticipated the appearance of the antichrist in the flesh, in the person of a super-powerful individual who will manage to consolidate the rule of many nations in his own hands, thus becoming a world-wide dictator controlling the world's food supply by which he will hold the people of the world in his power.
     The opponents of this view maintained that the antichrist has been active since the beginning of the fourth century A.D. imprisoning, exiling, torturing on the rack, burning at the stake and otherwise persecuting those "which keep the commandments of God and have the testimony of Jesus Christ which is the spirit of prophesy."
     Do we not see, they argued, that no one religion now has the power to compel others to conform to their doctrine on pain of death? Therefore the powers of the antichrist are being gradually taken away from him and he will soon be confined to a dungeon for a thousand years as the Book of [Page 88] Revelations tells us. The millennium will soon be established on earth for already we see signs of its coming. Have not wars been outlawed by world powers? Is not the sale and manufacture of alcoholic beverages prohibited? Do we not see with our own eyes the phenomena of the outpouring of the Holy Spirit on peoples throughout the whole world?
     These questions, coupled with question of the resurrection of the dead, were debated and, at times acrimoniously argued for many years. They did not subside nor cease until the death of some of its leading protagonists. Almost always the proponents defending the literal or fundamentalist side of any issue were led by Vasili T. Sussoyeff and Ivan F. Golubiff while the opposite or spiritual concept was usually taken by Philip M. Shubin and Mikhail P. Pivovaroff and others.
     These debates were resumed whenever or wherever a group of Molokans were assembled for any occasion, even involving the youngest age brackets. Naturally the proponents of each side attracted their own adherents, either by force of their logic or by their differing personalities. But although they made thew meetings very interesting and even exciting, they did not settle anything, for it is quite clear now that on most issues both sides were mistaken to a marked degree.
     The incarnate antichrist has not yet made his appearance nor have the communists shown any signs of becoming Christian or of accepting the Holy Spirit. The manufacture and sale of alcoholic beverages has been resumed with a vengeance, bringing with it the use of drugs and chemicals far more harmful to individuals and nations than alcohol ever was.
     Wars have not been abolished. On the contrary, they are now much more frequent and a hundred times, nay, a thousand times more destructive to life and property. On the other hand no serious attempts were made to find a refuge [Page 89] in the Near East principally because there does not seem to be any there. On the contrary, many Molokan families from Persia have since that time found a refuge here, and a country that had never at that time figured in the debates or even considered as a haven—Australia—is now a home for approximately 25 families who are convinced that it is the second refuge for the Molokan people from the coming holocaust.
     Meanwhile, the temporal affairs of the brotherhood proceeded as usual. After the Peru fiasco it was more and more concerned with the problem of juvenile delinquency, a problem that was growing steadily worse. The solution to the problem was still believed to be in a mass removal from the city. Soon another attempt was made in that direction when, in the summer of 1923 a possibility of a colony in the state of Chihuahua, Mexico, presented itself.
     As usual, a three man delegation made a preliminary survey of the locality, bringing back a favorable report. Following this a second delegation that included Philip M. Shubin, Ivan G. Samarin and a younger man, Markei A. Bogdanoff, was dispatched.
     This delegation was accompanied by 15 men who volunteered to drive there in their own cars and at their own expense, showing a serious interest of the community in the proposition. This large group was almost unanimous in their favorable impressions, the delegation even concluded a tentative agreement with the sellers but, alas, the community in Los Angeles would not accept the terms of the agreement and this matter too, was dropped because there was no one to push it.
     It was the last large scale attempt made at colonization by the Molokans of Los Angeles. Only a minor attempt was made after that. About a dozen families tried their luck at colonization near the town of Raton, New Mexico but, because [Page 90] of the great depression that began in 1930, it had no chance of survival and was abandoned after about two years.
     Thereafter those who seriously intended to leave the city, did so as individuals, concentrating their efforts in the near-by San Joaquin Valley, California.
     But the perplexing problem of juvenile delinquency would not disappear, in fact it was progressively getting worse with each passing year. A study of cases appearing before the Los Angeles Juvenile Courts made by Dr. P.V. Young showed that in 1915 only one Molokan boy was involved in delinquency but in 1918 there were 15, in 1922 there were 26, in 1924 there was 84 and in 1926 there was an astounding total of 130 Molokan boys before the courts, of whom 104 were tried for offences against property, that is, petty larceny, grand larceny, safe blowing and robbery.
     A similar study of a two year period between November 31, 1927 and October 31, 1929 showed that 49 Molokan girls between the ages of 13 and 18 appeared before the same courts, 35 of whom were involved in sex delinquency and the rest in lesser offences. Apparently no one was aware of the real seriousness of the problem that these statistics showed. That it was bad every one could see but how bad no one really knew until Dr. Young's book appeared in print. Even then these revelations were so shocking the majority refused to believe them, blaming the author for exaggerating the situation although, with ,these exceptions, the book presented the Molokans in a very favorable light.
     Nevertheless, the only remedies urged by the elders, in addition to an exodus from the city, was an intensification of church programs for the young people, a commendable program as far as it went but, seen at this distance the problem was far more complicated than the brotherhood leaders were accustomed to deal with. Back in the villages of Russia such [Page 91] simple programs were adequate because the problems were simple village offences. Any infractions of Molokan behavior were immediately dealt with by the village elders, usually by having the guilty one punished by having the father administer a whipping to the guilty one in public, a very effective method in a village where the population was 100% Molokan and where the most serious offences were surreptitious drinking and card playing by unmarried youngsters.
     But self-administered justice was impossible in a large city and in cases involving violations of state and city laws. Moreover, there was now a language barrier between the parents and the children as well as between the children and the church.
To overcome the barrier, Russian language schools were tried periodically and just as frequently abandoned through lack of attendance and financial support. Only those children attended regularly who needed it the least. The American born Molokan children simply had no interest in the language of their parents and spoke English among themselves exclusively, to the utter despair and frustration of the parents who could not understand them. Neither threats nor cajolery could induce the children to speak nor to read Russian.
     It would be a mistake to infer that because the parents could not speak English, they were a group of uninformed or ignorant peasants. The majority subscribed to Russian language newspapers. During the first years (1909-1915) one such news paper—The Tikhi Okean (The Pacific Ocean) — was published in Los Angeles by a political by émigré by the name of Anton Sherbak. He was of the party of Social Revolutionaries and enjoyed a good reputation among the Molokan people. But there were not enough Russian speaking people in Los Angeles to support a newspaper so he moved his paper to San Francisco in 1915 where be continued to publish until the Revolution in Russia when he returned to the Soviet Union.
     [Page 92] But the Molokans continued to subscribe to the Russkaie Slovo from New York and which was published in Canada. These newspapers kept them well informed concerning world events.
     In addition to newspapers, many Molokan men and even some women were well read in the works of Lev Tolstoy, Dostoyevski, Gorky and other well known Russian writers. Translations of Milton's "Paradise Lost" and Bunyan's "Pilgrim's Progress" as well as Stowe's "Uncle Toms Cabin" were also well known to them.
     But the book with a religious theme that enjoyed the widest popularity and even reverence among the elders previous to the publication of The Book of Spirit and Life in 1915, was a book on a mystical subject written by a German writer, Stilling Jung [Hans Heinrich Jung-Stilling, also Johann Heinrich Stilling]. Its title in the Russian translation was "Ugroz Sviet Vostoka" but in German it was "The Menance of the Eastern World", which was published first in 1813. [Translated in June 2002 as: Menace Eastern-Light, the Man in the Grey Suit]. It dealt with a religious subject which was interpreted by some Molokan elders as a prophetic book concerning God's chosen people, their wandering from place to place in Europe and finding eventual haven in the Near East.
     [Jung-Stilling lead a sub-group of Separatists called Chilists. He predicted that Christ's 1000-year reign would begin in 1833, or 1836. The appearance of German Separatists and Harmonists ("Believers in the Last Days") among Molokans in the Milky Waters Region of the South Ukraine corresponds with the reported great out-pouring of the Holy Spirit and formation of the Jumpers. Later in the Caucasus, Rudametkin became the most well-known leader among the Jumpers. For details see: Hoffnungstal Odessa (find: "Harmonien")]
     The book was widely quoted in debates and discourses to support the belief that The Molokans must eventually find a haven in Persia or Turkey. Only one copy of the book was available in the community. It was evidently the property of Philip Mihailovich but it was borrowed back and forth by so many people that it is now black with age and use.
     However there was a small portion of Molokans who refrained from reading any and all literature, strictly obeying the injunction of Maxim Gavrilovitch who instructed his followers that all books except the Holy Scriptures were "poisonous", and should not be read. But the children, because of the language barrier, were not aware of this and in their own minds believed that their parents [Page 93] were backward, therefore, they drifted farther and farther away from the influence of the home. After school hours many boys would walk uptown to sell newspapers or to shine shoes on the main streets of the city, at the same time learning the ease with which small trinkets could be filched from the department store display counters, bringing them home to brag about to their friends and also acquiring other evil habits from non-Molokan boys and men on the down town streets, frequently returning home too late in the evening to absorb Molokan home atmosphere.
     Other boys, who were not so occupied after school hours, would find attractions and adventure in the near-by river bed, in the freight yards and other mysterious and interesting places that had to be explored; while yet others were ordered by their parents to take their home made wagons and bring back fire wood from surrounding warehouses or freight yards for the family cooking and heating stove. These juvenile occupations, although helpful to the economy of the household, were, by their very nature, detrimental to their habits because the local environment where such activities took place, was not morally healthy.
     It must be admitted that the children were not always to blame. Many parents neglected their offspring, perhaps on the mistaken theory that life of a youngster in a city was not much different than life in a village, therefore, if the parents grew up into good Molokans there was no reason that their offspring could not do just as well. In addition to the city streets, alleys, warehouses, and railroad yards, there was the far more insidious influence of the local and downtown moving picture theater to which the teenagers flocked on Saturday night and Sunday afternoons. The stories that the children absorbed from these moving pictures undermined the influence of the home more effectively than the city streets because they glamorized the girl who fled her [Page 94] home and eloped for "love" and excited the adventurous instincts of the boys by portraying a bandit or an underworld character as a hero.
     So the strict morality of a Molokan home was gradually sup planted by the loose environment of a city street; the parental influence by the moving picture drama, the father image (for the boy) was being supplanted by a cowboy hero, and the mother image for the girl by the so called heroine of a society drama. At the same time the simple and sometimes drab furniture of a Molokan home appeared at a great advantage (especially to the impressionable eyes of a young girl) when compared to the luxurious home of her heroine as depicted in the picture drama.
     But the unsophisticated parents did not know this. Very few of the older Molokans ever saw the inside of a theater or a picture show. They were entirely absorbed in earning a living for the family. In the evening the mother was too busy with her washing, ironing or sewing and even baking while the father rested from his hard day at the lumber yard, the junk yard or other physically exhausting labors and was too tired to devote much time to his family which generally was a large one; eight, ten and more children in a family was not uncommon at the time. Sundays, of course, were devoted to the church, again leaving the children to their own devices.
     And so this vicious spiral continued its upward course. The neighborhood was rapidly acquiring an unsavory reputation. The police authorities appealed to the Molokan elders for cooperation in combating the problem and the elders countered by a petition on Sept. 27, 1924 to the District Attorney to clean up the neighborhood of bootleggers, but to no avail. It was not until the Molokans began a process of decentralization by moving to outlying communities that any improvement could be noted. In 1927 the total number of boys appearing before the juvenile courts fell to 109, in 1928 the [Page 95] figure rose again to 122 but in 1929 the number fell to one half of the 1926 level; only 65 boys were apprehended and appeared for a hearing in the courts.
     This process of decentralization was not a conscious act on the part of the brotherhood to improve the situation but, conscious or not, it did a considerable amount of good by eliminating the local moving picture show, the well known corners and the adjacent, convenient and tempting area known as "the Oakes lot" as an assembly point for adventurous forays for the boys. The City Parks and Recreation Department also helped by utilizing part of the Oakes lot as a neighborhood playground.
The most decisive act to combat the problem, however, was taken by the rising new generation of community leadership who came to America as young boys and girls of school age and who were now fathers and mothers of growing children themselves, for it was now over 20 years since the first group arrived in America.
     These young men and women as a rule came from the better oriented families, hence they were better able to withstand the lures of city streets. After a short period in local schools they secured work permits and a few years later married at the proper Molokan age of 19-20 years to girls of similar backgrounds. By 1925-1926 they were mature young men with recognizable talents, many of whom were occupying responsible positions in business enterprises other than lumber yards or similar exhausting jobs of their fathers, consequently they were acquainted with both sides of life of teenagers in a large city and were not unacquainted with ways of combating their problems by more practical means than their fathers.
     In 1927 a group of these young men being gathered at a friend's house for dinner, began the customary discussion of the problems foremost in their minds, namely; how to retain [Page 96] the loyalty of the Molokan children to their church. In contrast to other such discussions, this one resulted in a decision to take active and practical measures towards the desired goal. About a dozen were present and all signified their willingness to participate by subscribing to a fund for establishing a young people's center and agreeing to issue a call for others to join in the undertaking.
     The idea caught on. Many others signed up and the group formally organized itself by securing a charter from the State of California as a non-profit organization, choosing the name "United Molokan Christian Association."
     A program was developed for conducting a bilingual Sunday school services for smaller children in which qualified singers taught the children Molokan songs in Russian and other qualified persons conducted classes to teach the Molokan religion in both the Russian and English. A concurrent program was developed for a mid-week assembly for teenagers which was also to be bilingual in the same manner as the Sunday school. Neither of these programs were designed as a church in the ordinary meaning of the word but rather as a place where the children would become better acquainted with Molokan background, traditions and beliefs and also as a meeting place for teenagers of both sexes with marriage as the ultimate goal.
     A vacant store premises in the "Flats" area was rented to begin with and the idea proved itself as sound and feasible immediately by a full attendance of youngsters of all ages.
     This fact encouraged the organized group to purchase an old house in the center of the community, on South Utah Street. The house was remodeled to accommodate up to 300 children at a time and soon an adjoining house was bought to accommodate smaller children.
     By 1932 the U.M.C.A. was growing beyond expectations. At 9 A.M. every Sunday, car after car would drive up to the 96 [Page 97] front of the building to discharge a group of well dressed, happy young kids who would fill up the assembly hall to capacity while their proud and beaming parents would sit along the side-line benches to hear the children sing the traditional Molokan songs and recite their lessons in either Russian or English.
     The majority of elders wholeheartedly approved the new approach and gave it their moral support by frequently at tending the meetings, speaking words of encouragement at both the Sunday morning and the Wednesday evening services. The juvenile courts and the police department too were heartily in favor of it, recognizing in it a powerful influence to combat delinquency and showing approval with a visit from the presiding judge of the juvenile court to the Wednesday evening service, being accompanied by a large retinue of probation officers, their wives and other interested persons.
     On the other hand, there was a strong and active opposition from the minority of the brotherhood who objected on the grounds that

1. The meetings were not conducted in the traditional Molokan way, that is, the children were not trained to kneel while praying nor were they encouraged by word or example that jumping in the Spirit is likewise traditional part of the service; the services were merely opened and closed by reciting a prayer in a standing position. It was contended that such conduct was a radical departure from the faith of the Spiritual Christian Jumpers and should be stopped.
2. Since we were children of God and in matters spiritual subject to His laws only, a charter from a temporal state to conduct church services was not necessary, in fact it would be a violation of the tenets of the faith. Furthermore, they strongly objected to some clauses in the articles of incorporation, in particular the inclusion of the word "club" as an activity of the organization, etc., etc.

     Notwithstanding these objections, the U.M.C.A. continued to make progress. Whether or not its influence slowed down [Page 98] the practice of intermarriages with non-Molokans is still a moot question because nobody has ever compiled any statistics on the point. Moreover, despite the fact that the Wednesday evening services attracted capacity crowds, there were still hundreds of teenagers of marriageable age who were not reached by its efforts because of lukewarm attitude on the part of many parents.
     However, the incidence of juvenile delinquency fell off markedly from the disgraceful figures of .1926, and continued to decline. Although no systematic study of the problem was made since Mrs. Young wrote her "Pilgrims of Russia Town" a recent interview with Juvenile authorities elicited the information that the Molokan youth are no longer a concern of that department, that despite the large increase in Molokan population, only two or three boys were in the custody as of March 1968.
     In addition to the results described here, the work of the U.M.C.A. stimulated the efforts of those parents whose sincere convictions restrained them from participation in the organization. These chose their own means to indoctrinate their children in the Molokan religion by their own methods, such as conducting a midweek and a Sunday afternoon church service in the traditional manner and also initiating a system of singing classes or Spevkas in individual homes.
     All in all, and despite the ill feeling between the two opposite approaches, their efforts succeeded in improving the morale of the Molokan youth and increased their awareness of their background and knowledge of the doctrines of the Molokan faith with one important exception, namely; neither side was actively concerned about indoctrinating their young boys and men in one of its principle tenets—objection to military service. Hence, when the Selective Service law was passed by Congress in 1940, very few young men were prepared to cope with it.
     [Page 99] It was believed by some that the terrible conflict of 1914- 1918 was the final Armageddon, therefore, future wars were not likely and if by some chance wars should occur, America would not be involved in it. Furthermore, in the unlikely event that America would be involved, our young men will not be called because we were recognized as religious objectors in the last war and exempted from the draft, therefore, we should not be unduly concerned about it now.
     This was an incredible theory in view of the constant sword rattling of Mussolini in the decade between 1923-1933 and also the obvious intent of Hitler to start a war of conquest after he assumed power in 1933.
     Others contended that the war of Armageddon is surely coming but that we must prepare ourselves to escape it by a flight to a second refuge, this time within the confines of the Mohammedan countries of Turkey and/or Persia where we will be protected from harm by those nations. For that reason people with these views endeavored by every means to indoctrinate their children with their convictions and neglected to prepare them for a possible war in which the United States would be a participant. That war came sooner than anyone anticipated.
     But before that war came, the world, including the United States, had to endure a terrible economic crisis that began in the fall of 1929 and continued until the beginning of the greater crisis of the second World War.

*   *   *   *   *

     It is not the intent of this writer to delve into the causes and effects of that economic crisis except as it affected the Molokan people. It will be sufficient to note here that after the great stock market crash of October, 1929, the factories throughout the whole country began laying off their employees by the thousands, consequently, people who failed to [Page 100] lay aside a nest egg for a rainy day during the preceding boom years were soon reduced to the level of indigents depending on their more fortunate relatives or on public charity for their daily bread.
     A common occupation for many of those unfortunate unemployed during the first year of the depression was to sell apples on the main streets of the cities to the more fortunate ones who were still employed, thus to eke out a living for themselves and families.
     As the months dragged on the conditions grew worse and there was no relief in sight. It was not until the spring of 1933 when, following the elections of the previous fall, the new administration began to develop programs of relief through public works programs and through other measures, when many of the 15 million unemployed were gradually put to useful work, thus reversing the cycle of economic depression.
     It was during these three years and the following seven years of the depression that the ingrained Molokan habit of hard work and thriftiness proved itself. In the first place the majority of families owned their own homes free and clear of encumbrances, eliminating one cause of hardship and worry. Secondly, in spite of the half idle factories, stores and other establishments, sanitation of the city had to be maintained and this work, shunned by other nationalities through false pride, was not below the dignity of Molokan men, so that many of their families were comfortably fed and clothed by the lowly rubbish route.
     Other families, lacking this means of support, were maintained by the women of the family who, leaving the children with their men folk, were able to find work either as janitors in the downtown office buildings or as seasonal workers at the local walnut packing plants that were operating day and night shifts during the six months of the walnut harvesting seasons of fall and winter of each year.
     [Page 101] Thus, the Molokans managed to survive comfortably by hard work and thrift during a most difficult decade. With very few exceptions they were able to stay off the relief rolls or the public works projects, a feat that was matched perhaps only by the oriental population of the city.

*   *   *   *   *

     The year 1932 was also memorable to the Molokans because it was in the beginning of that year, namely, on January 9, 1932 that the beloved and respected leader, Philip M. Shubin passed away at the age of 77. He passed away after an illness lasting about three months.
     This distinguished man whose role as a leader was foretold by a third party to Philip's mother before his birth, devoted most of his adult years to the service of God and to the Molokan brotherhood. He was its spokesman before the rulers in Russia and was twice arrested there for agitating the emigration to America.
     Notwithstanding the arrests he persisted in his determination and became the dominant personality in urging the Molokan people to heed Klubinkin's prophesy. Upon arrival in America he, together with Klubnikin, exerted his influence on those who were becoming disillusioned with America to have patience during the first difficult years, in fact, urged other young men whose parents were still in Russia, to write to them to hurry their departure before it was too late.
     During his 27 years in America he was the outstanding speaker and orator of the brotherhood with a wide acquaintance among non-Molokans, not infrequently taking a choir of singers to Pentecostal church meetings where he preached and explained the Molokan reasons for their migration. It was his wisdom, his profound knowledge of the scriptures plus his wide knowledge of Russian literature that enabled him to repel the periodic attempts by leaders of neighboring [Page 102] denominations—Baptists, Pentecostals, etc.—to proselytize the Molokan people and whenever Molokan children became enmeshed with the law the parents immediately turned to Philip Mikhailovich for counsel which was always forthcoming. [Read more about how the Molokans and Pentecostals met at Azusa Street — "Were Molokans the first to "Speak in Tongues" in Los Angeles?"]
     His wise counsel prevailed in most major decisions of the time, especially during the first World War when he boldly counseled the young Molokans to comply with the registration requirements of the draft law but to demand exemptions as conscientious objectors through the regular legal channels. (It was said of him that as a young man in Russia he undertook a trip to Tiflis to shop for various household necessities but that while there he met a man who had a trunk full of Russian literature to sell so instead of the household necessities Philip Mikhailovich spent the largest portion of his allotted funds for the books and to the utter dismay of his wife he came back home with only a few of the necessities but as a proud owner of a trunk full of books.)
     For these reasons, and despite the serious and sometimes stormy opposition to his liberal religious views, he was mourned by all factions of the brotherhood and his funeral was the biggest in point of attendance than any precious funeral of that time, in fact it called forth a good sized article in the Los Angeles Times.
     The old building of the Melikoiskaia Church—the largest one available—was much too small for the occasion. To accommodate the overflow a tarpaulin was stretched over the entire back yard area where additional tables were set up and a public address system was installed to enable those seated outside to hear the proceedings of the service. (Footnote: This innovation caused such an unfavorable reaction and criticism that it distracted from the solemnity of the occasion and was never tried again.)

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